







O 



c V 
.0 










■■A -« 



c^ 



' Ox- 



•U 



'^^ 






C^°<. 
























O 



A 



1"^ A 



'""^ 



\ 



.^^% 




/00,: 



^ 

^ 



O N 









■^ ij p >. 



s> 



y^ 






^\ 






o 



v" :A 






» <^. 



k ' ^"Z^^V '-'■ ^ 



» I 1 



■ .♦'^ 



^<^' 











^ * « ' < 

' "-^^.^' - A\ ^^/ =;^"-' %.^' 
. /\.-1k- >^'"*- '-M- .^^'■v. ^ 



o > 



^^^ :. ^^: o-^q. >^ 



<s 



,f' 






^* ^0 



0- 








.*'^ 






G 






> 



^ 



°^, 



\ 



'\ 



^r" 



^> 















v. 



0- 



SERMON, 



PREACHES IN 



WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, 

OK THE OCCASION OF THE 

SPECIAL FAST, 

JULY 23d, 1812. 



:^':- SB *?». < 



BY SAMUEL AUSTIN, Do D. 



PVBLlSaEl^ FROM VHE PRESS, £r "THE DESIRE OF SOME WHO 

HEARD Ify AND LIKED /O*, Sr fHE jBESIRE OF SOME WHO 

HEARD If, AND DID NOr LIKE IT, AND Br fHE DH" 

SIRE OF OTHERS WHO DID NOT HEAR 17', BUT 

IMAGINE THET SHOULD NOT HAVE LIK' 

ED IT, IF THET HAD, 



PRINTED AT WORCESTER, BV ISAAC 8TURTEVANT, 



•V 



* 



■> 









<^ ';^6 



\ 



PREFATORY REMARKS. 



IT is denied that this Sermon is fiolitical. True indeed it 
isy that there are mctny observations hi it^ that have reflect to the 
udministration of our national government-^ and the $tate of our 
country. Facts of a fiolitical nature are adverted to. But 
fhey are produced in evidence to a point of religious instruction. 
Moral and religious inst-ucti^^^ the drift of everu thing that is 
said. Can nve ^'^^Sistinguish h6re ? Or^ are ive determined to 
be blind to all distinctions vjhich do not favour our firejudices 7 
Were a preacher.^ in his discourse.^ professedly to discuss a mere 
political question.) as gen'.lemen on the fioor of Congress^ or essay-- 
ists in the news-papers^, do, limiting his views to the question, un* 
der that character, it is confessed that his discourse might pass ' 
for a political one. But if he professes to urge a point of reli-^ 
gious instruction, and his remarks, founded in truth and in fact, 
though the greater part of them may have respect to subjects 
•ivhich are ter7ned political, do actually terminate in that instruc- 
tion and enforce it^^his di&course is strictly and properly reli- 
gious. It perfecMif- accords •with his official trust, and the end 
he should constantly keep in view, ccs a preacher of righteousness. 
A large proportion of the duties of man, whether he be a ruler or 
a subject, certainly relates to the country to which he belongs, 
and the government under which he lives. God is either obeyed 
or disobeyed, honoured or the opposite, by a ruler, in every part 
of his official conduct ; and that conduct is, of course, right or 
wrong, in a religious point of view. He stands accountable to 
God for the manner iti which he employs the authority with 
ivhich he is vested, and that influence over the minds of others 
which is attached to it. So it is with the ordinary subjects of 
government. What they do as citizens, in the exercise of their 
rights of suffrage, in aiding particular designs and measures, and 
in the disposal of their property and physical strength, is obe- 
dience to God or the contrary. The whole of their conduct is 
right or wrong, religiously considered. If they engage in an in- 
terest which is subversive of Christianity, or of the safety and 
hapfiiness of their fellow-beings, they will be condemned by their 
Judge at their last trials and they may, ivith perfect propriety^ 



he refiroved by those fiicblick servants ivhom he has sent to detect 
their iniquity and nvarn them of their danger. Hence the fiungent 
address of A'athan to David, " Thou art the man." Hence the 
faithful afiostle of the Gentiles could say, " Whom we preachy 
jvarning every man, and teaching every man, in all visdom, that 
we mciy firesent every man perfect in Christ Jesus." Fully and 
very impressively to this purpose are the words of the 2d Psalm. 
** Why do the Heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing 2 
The kings of the earth set themselves, diid the rulers take counsel 
together, against the Lord and against his anointed, saying. Let 
tis break their bands asunder, and cast aivay their cords from us. 
He /hat sittcth in the heavens shall laughs The Lord shall have 
them in derision. Then shall he speak unto them in his ii^rath and. 

vex them in his sore displeasure. Be wise now therefore, O ye 

kings; be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with 
fear, and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry^ 
end ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little."' 
Let then the ministers of the Gospel, who, with a few solitary 
exceptions, are happily agreed in what concerns the true interest 
of their country, and are ardently attacficd to its best prosperity, 
stand firm at their post, in this day of perilous d'sorganizat'on, 
when so great an effort is made to deter them from the honoura- 
ble discharge of their duty. Let them stand as vigilant watchmen 
on the ramparts of Zion, looking out for the enemy, whether he is 
meditating an insidious attack, or an open assault. Let them at- 
tentively observe the signs of the times, search out (he evil and 
fully expose it, preach all righ'eousness as essemially belonging 
to the gospel, and meet reproach and poverty cheerfully, if it is 
their lot, while resisting the spread oj delusion, and exemplifying 
the righteousness they inculcate.. Let them carry the interests of 
religion and their country to the Throne of Grace in daily prayer, 
jicting thus in character, they will always have the well-informed 
and sober part of the community on their side. They will have 
an interes'ing agency in the good work of transmitting to poster^ 
ily the invaluable legacy received from their fathers, and they 
will be publickly approved by their Hedeemer, when he shall come 
in the clouds of heaven. 

A. B. The Sermon is word for word as it was delivered, eX' 
cept those words inclosed in brackets. 



SERMON. 



JEREMIAH, xyiii. 7, 8. 

i^T WHAT INSTANT I SHALL SPEAK CONCEHNXN& A NATION, 
AND CONCERNING A KINGDOM, TO PLUCK UP, AND TO PULL 
DOWN, AND TO DESTROY IT J— IF THAT NATION, AGAINST 
WHOM I HAVE PRONOUNCED, TURN FROM THEIR EVIL, 
I WILL REPENT OF THE EVIL I THOUGHT TO DO UNTO 
THEM. 

IN this passage, my brethren, as in thou- 
sands of others, contained in the Bible, we are 
shewn how admirably the strict justice of God is 
tempered, and, if I 'may so say, moderated by his 
xnercy ; that he is slow to anger and of great 
compassion, and that he ever leaves room for in- 
dividuals and nations to escape the judgments he 
had denounced against them, by that which is 
perfectly reasonable, independent of such a de- 
nunciation, their unfeigned repentance. We 
may properly consider the passage (for indeed 
it is expressly made such by the terms of it) as 
a general rule, by which we are to interpret de- 
nunciations of God against societies of men, and, 
by parity of reason, against individual sinners, 
except in cases whi#h are expressly excluded 
from the exercise of mercy. It is a rule which is 
to apply to all timesj and to all nations. Though 



the denunciations of God may be in terms great- 
ly alarming, and seem to render certain a speedy, 
and awful destruction, Vet the state of the nation 
whom they respect is not desperate. The de- 
nunciation is not absolute, but conditional. It 
may be, and indeed we have the blessed assur- 
ance that it will be, set aside, by a timely and 
sincere repentance. This is the term of favour. 
Moral evil, or sin, committed by a nation, is the 
cause of the denunciation issued. If that be re- 
moved by repentance, the denunciation will of 
course be void. 

These sentiments are on the face of the passage. 
** At what instant I shall speak concerning a na- 
tion, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, 
and to pull down, and to destroy it ; — if that 
nation, against whom I have pronounced, turn from 
their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought 
to do unto them.** 

Since nations, as well as individuals, or, since 
men in their associated capacities, as well as in 
their separate conditions and actions, are necessa- 
rily subject to the government of God (for the 
very terms of the passage suppose that they are) 
what an endearing display do these sentiments 
make of his government, and what a powerful 
inducement do they set before us, to persuade us 
to turn from the evil we have committed ! Our 
nation, my brethren, is concerned in this general 
rule of the divine government, as much as any 
nation on earth, and perhaps in a more interest- 
ing view than any other. Probably there never 
was a time when this rule had a more interest- 



1 

ing application to us than at the present mo- 
ment ; and to me it appears, that the proclama- 
tion of our pious and amiable chief magistrate, 
calling us to these exercises of humiliation and 
prayer, perfectly comports with it. It is certain 
we are a sinful people. It is certain that the 
judgments of God hang, in awful aspects, over 
us. And it is equally certain that a sincere hu- 
miliation, which will involve a turning away 
from the evil we have committed, is the only, 
and, at the same time, a sure way of escape. Let 
us then lay hold of the rule, and eagerly carry it 
into practice. That we may realize in seme 
manner its application to us, and feel the urgent 
and absolute necessity there is of our complying 
with the duty it sets before us, let us notice some 
of the evidences we have that a denunciation, like 
that expressed in the text, has gone out against 
US; 2d, the duty upon which a revocation of this 
denunciation is suspended ; and, 3d, the force of 
the motive which the text sets before us, to per- 
suade us to the performance of this duty. 

I. Then, we are to notice some of the evidences 
we have that a denunciation like that of the text 
has gone out against us, as a people. Your min- 
ister, my brethren, does not make any preten- 
sions to prophecy. He does not pretend to have 
any intercourse with the Most High God, beyond 
that of the least favoured of his people. He has 
seen no visible appearance, indicating a special 
presence of God, nor heard any audible sound 
from him, expressing any particular denunciation 
against this people. The time has been when 



8 

God has literally spoken. His voice has been 
heard. He has charged his prophets with partic- 
ular and express messages ; and they have faith- 
fully delivered them, as coming directly from I 
him. They preface their messages generally with ' 
a, Thus saith the Lord. This manner of com- 
munication has for centuries failed. Since the 
revelations of God have been committed to writ- 
ing, and authentick copies of them multiplied 
through the world, he has ceased to speak by au- 
dible sounds. Has he not therefore spoken ? 
Yes, indeed*. The whole volume of inspiration is 
his word to us. Here he speaks to our under- 
standings, to our consciences, and to our hearts, 
intelligibly and impressively ; not less so than if 
we heard his voice. " We have also," says Peter, 
" a more sure word of prophecy, whereunto ye da 
well to take heed, as unto a light that shineth in 
a dark place, until the day dawn, and the day-star 
arise in our hearts : for the prophecy came not 
in old time by the will of man, but holy men of 
God spake, as they were moved by the Holy 
Ghost." The events of God's Providence arc 
operations of his hand, which we are attentively 
and teachably to consider, as in perfect agreement 
with his word, and expressing the aspects of his 
government, and the purposes he has formed. 
Hence our Lord reproves the blind and unteach- 
able Pharisees in this manner, '* The pharisees 
also with the sudducees came, and tempting, de- 
sired him that he would shew them a sign from 
heaven. He answered and said unto them, When 
it is evening ye say, It will be fair weather, for 



9 

« 

the sky is red ; and in the morning, it will be 

foul weather to-day; for the sky is red and low* 

ering. O, ye hypocrites, ye can discern the face 

of the sky ; but, can ye not discern the signs of 

the times? Taking these two concurrent sources 

of instruction to guide us, if We are teachable, we 

shall find sufficient evidence at least to alarm us, 

that God has spoken against our nation, to pluck 

up, to pull down, and to destroy it* 

I. We are a people, in an uncommon degree, 

laden with iniquity. Iniquity is the ground of 

the deiiunciation, and the greater that iniquity is, 

the more clearly is the denunciation certified.— 
We are expressly told that an haughty spirit is 

before a fall. And God says to rebellious Israel,, 
** Thou hast fallen ^y thi?jeiniquiiy.^* He informs 
them that their iniquities had separated between 
them and him, and caused him to hide his face 
from them. This is the uniform doctrine of the 
scripture, that iniquity prepares for, and certain- 
ly eventuates in, ruin. Iniquity then, reigning 
among a people, has an alarming language, which 
it is easy to understand. The course of Provi- 
dence agrees to this testimony of the scripture. 
I admit that some nations, who have gone far in 
iniquity, have continued for a considerable period, 
as the Babylonian, the Grecian, the Roman, anft 
the Chinese empires. And we do not determine 
how soon the destruction will come. It may 
come soon and suddenly. The patience of God 
may delay it. But it will come sooner or later. 
Have r^ot the three first of these kingdoms long 

B 



TO 



X 



ago perished ? Have not nearly all the ancient 
nations of the earth gone to destruction ? 

« WHbt are the earth's wide kingdoms else, 
" But mighty hills of prey ?" 

However, our situation differs materially from 
that of almost all the nations of the earth ; and 
the difference is against us. [Our nation] com- 
pares more than any other, with ancient Israel, 
in its origin, its primitive character, its deliveran- 
ces, its means, its spiritual blessings, and religious 
professions. The language would seern to apply 
to us in a remarkable manner, which God ad- 
dressed to them-'* Hear the word that the Lord 
hath spoken against you, O, ye children of srael, 
against the whole family which I brought up 
from the land of Egypt, saying; You only have I 
known of all the families of the earth ; theretore 
will I punish you for all your iniquities. No na- 
tion in the world were disciplined with so niuch 
severity as ancient Israel, who professed to have 
God for their God. What awful, successive na- 
tional disasters and captivities did they sustain 
What scenes of distress marked their history till 
they were finally removed from the good land 
which God had given them, by a dispersion, 
which has lasted to the present day ! From this 
dispersion they will not be restored but by a gen- 
eral and most sincere repentance. 

When I say that we are a people uncommonly 
laden with inquity, I would not be understood to 
mean, that there is less of the fear of God here 
than in other parts of the world ; or that we ex- 



ir 

ceed other- nations in those vices and crimes, 
which render property and life insecure. But, 
considering the depths and extent of our deprav- 
ity, and particularly the malignity and extent of 
our unbelief, which is put down in the word of 
God as the most odious and punishable of all 
sins, the great deliverances which have been 
wrought in our favour, the light and means which 
we enjoy, and the rich blessings, temporal and 
spiritual, which have been incessantly showered 
down upon us, I am constrained to believe that 
no nation on the globe is so offensively wicked 
in the sight of God as ours j and that there is in 
none such a complete moral preparation for a 
dreadful overthrow. The land is certainly full 
of iniquity— of iniquity of the most detestable 
character. In this inquity we may learn, if we 
will, our national doom. 

2. We are a most unhappily divided people. 
Having a form of government, the best indeed 
conceivable, as to its elective and deliberative 
character, but which, because it is a government 
of choice and opinion, and not of arbitrary pow- 
er, cannot proceed with any energy, nor even ex- 
ist, but through the influence of those disposi- 
tions which unite, and which lead individuals to 
regard the good of the whole more than any pri- 
vate aggrandizement or advantage, we are yet 
most miserably divided. We are divided under 
the influence of men, some of them are to be 
found, no doubt, on both sides, who are influenc- 
ed by ambition and will ; who are for accomplish- 
ing, at all events ; their party designs, and who 



12 

lose sight, entirely, of the real good of their coun«j 
try, in the licentiousness of principle and the 
heat of passion J some of whom, in all probabil- 
ity, there are strong indications of it, are the wil- 
ling tools of foreign despotism, and corrupted by 
foreign gold. We arc divided with a rancour and 
licentiousness, which have already threatened lib- 
erty and life; nay, which have burst forth in 
mobs and riots. These divisions have, in some 
cases, brought citizens into assemblies of mere 
consultation, such assemblies as our constitution 
of government and our laws guarantee, with 
weapons of death at their side. The lives of 
some citizens, following their lawful employ- 
ments, have been pursued with the spirit of mur- 
der, and a determination to take them away, if 
possible, merely because they have dared to ex- 
press their opinions upon publick concerns and 
the measures of governm.ent. Party interests 
have been pursued in many instances tumultu- 
ously, and without respect to law or decency. — 
Humanity is outraged. The elective franchise 
is in fact virtually taken from a portion of the 
citizens- They may neither speak, nor vote. — 
They must be silent, and consent to be deprived 
of their privileges, or feel the smart of party re- 
sentment. Even the children of our streets have 
learnt to rally themselves under the names of the, 
two opposing parties, and to use language, as I 
myself have heard, of invective and threatening. 
I apprehend that no nation on the globe is so con-, 
vulsed by party animosity, and whose real inter- 
est is so entirely overlooked, through the blind- 



^3 

ing Influence of party zeal. What eftect do tb.ese 
divisions have upon us ? Do they make us po- 
tent and respectable, as a people ? Do rhey make 
us terrible to our national enemies, and place us 
beyond their intrigues ? Do they beget in us mu- 
tual confidence, and make us happy among our- 
selves ? Quite the reverse. They spoil our inter- 
course. They eat up the comfort of life. They 
turn our strength into weakness, our wisdom into 
folly, and our glory into shame. They make us 
the sport of more powerful nations, and as prey 
for their teeth. What do they indicate, in the nat- 
ural course of things, with respect to the future? 
Most certainly they have a strong and powerful 
tendency, and they rapidly produce the effect, to 
bring about the entire prostration of our national 
dignity, of law, and of government j to let in in- 
vaders on every side ; to stimulate the thousands, 
and the ten thousands of slaves in our country, to 
rise and attempt to emancipate themselves by a 
massacre like to that of St. Doiningo; and to 
push us on to the destruction of one another, in 
scenes of cruelty, like those of France, in which 
Robespierre, Marat and Carrier had so conspicu- 
ous a part. As they belong to the system of 
Providence, and are parts of that system, they 
have a clear indication of our approaching ruin. 
For thus we have it in the Lamentations of Jere- 
miah. " The anger of the Lord hath divided 
themj he will no more regard them." And our 
Saviour tells us, " Every kingdom divided against 
itself is brought to desolation." In our divisions 
then God speaks to our nation, to pluck up, to 
pull down^ and to destroy it. [a] 



14 

3- God speaks in this language with respect 
to our nation, in the most calamitous and threaten- 
ing war into wliich we have been recently pre- 
cipitated. This war is a providential event. It 
has been sent upon us by God, and is evidently 
an awful scourge of his hand, expressive of his 
wrath, and almost audibly telling us, that he has 
come out against us to destroy us. War, when it 
is the least exceptionable in its moral character, 
that is, when it is altogether defensive, and a na- 
tion seems to be driven into it, to repel an unjust 
and very threatening invasion ; and when its pro- 
gress and issue are as prosperous as could be 
wished, is a great calamity, and an awful scourge 
of God. It is a great calamity. It is necessari- 
ly attended with a great expence of property and 
of lives. Its effect upon the morals of a people 
is most pernicious, and it produces immense 
poignant distress, not only in the wounded and 
the dying, but to those who survive, and who 
are left to spend the residue of life in bereave- 
ment and grief. My fat he r\ my husband, my son, 
JelU alas, in such a battle, covered with wounds 
and bloody is the sad story which afterwards of- 
ten recurs, and produces the falling tear. 

It is an awful scourge of God. " Be ye afraid 
■ of the sword, for wrath bringeth the judgments of 
the sword, that ye may know there is a judg- 
ment.'* Thus Job speaks. And says God, by the 
Prophet Ezekiel, "How much more when I bring 
my four sore judgments upon Jerusalem, the 
sword, and the famine, and the noisome beasts, and 
the pestilence, to cut off from it man and beast.** 



Thus evident it is that when a people are visit- 
ed even with a defensive and prosperous war, it 
is a scourge of God. But the, war, we, as a nation, 
are involved in, is of the worst, and most threat- 
ening nature. It is against every precept of Chris- 
tianity, and all moral right against all wise po- 
licy, and every benevolent feeling. It is so,because 
declared by ourselves, and is an offensive war. It 
is so, because waged without any adequate cause. 
For, though the British have injured us, the inju- 
ry received from them is greatly magnified by 
the prejudiced advocates of war. It is injury 
which affects our property and notour lives. So 
far as it affects the personal liberty of our marine 
citizens, whose liberty only it affects, it appears 
to be the result of the misbehavior and wanton- 
ness of subordinate afficers, and not of any claims 
or pretensions of the government itself. The 
injury they do us, in point of property, the gov- 
ernment solemnly professes to do reluctantly, 
and on a principle of self-defence. And we have 
really an ample remuneration for it, in the se- 
curity which is, and might be much mord ex- 
tensively, afforded, to our merchant vessels, by 
their ships of war, and the profitable trade we 
are permitted to carry on in their extensive do- 
minions. But I admit, it is not proper for mc 
to discuss these particulars by any minute in- 
vestigation. However we are all deeply con- 
cerned in the question of the lawfulness of this 
war. If it is unlawful, it is our indispensable 
duty to reprobate it, and to look upon it, in its 
peculiarly threaten'mg aspect, as to ournational ex- 



i6 

istencc. Ifit is unlawtul, because offensive, and 
without any adequate cause, God will not be for 
us in the prosecution of the war, and it cannot be 
right for any Christian, publickly or privately, to 
pray for the success ofour arms. It cannot be law- 
ful for any one to do any thing in aid to it, more 
or less. That there is not adequate cause for this 
war any one may be fully convinced, who will 
attentively and candidly peruse the luminous 
pamphlets which the friends of peace have lately 
laid before the publick. [6] 

The war is a most calamitous and threatening 
war again, as we enter upon it in a distracted and 
unprepared state ; against the wishes and endea- 
vours of the best part of our native countrymen ; 
as it is the war of a party, and of a section of 
our country, and very much through the influ- 
ence ot men of an ungodly character, and of rest- 
less and tumultuous foreigners, who have too 
easily got a footing among us, and a most un- 
merited influence in our National Councils, h 
is a most calamitous, and threatening war farther, 
as if is against a nation, from which, as the ex- 
cellent proclamation of our chief magistrate ex- 
presses, we are descended, and which, for many 
generations, has been the bulwark of the religion 
we profess and which ; from the adjacency of 
her territories, and especially from her immense- 
ly powerful marine, is capable, if disposed, of 
spreading desolation and distress along our sea- 
board, and for years, extinguishing the remains 
ofour foreign commerce ; a nation with whom 
we ought by all means to covet to be at agree- 



17 

inent, that we may enjoy the benefit of their 
protection against a usurpation that threatens the 
conquest of the globe itself. Which leads to the 
remark, that this war is an exceedingly calamit- 
ous and threatening one, as it necessarily brings 
us into an alHance and co-operation with, and 
tends directly to subject us, as a nation, to the 
will of, Bonaparte, that fell tyrant and destroyer 
of the earth, the most cruel oppressor and mur- 
derer of his fellow-beings, the vilest of men, who 
tramples uJDon all truth and justice. It is in this 
view that the war into which we have been most 
foolishly precipitated is especially threatening^ 
We cannot proceed in this war without subserv- 
ing the views of this monster of ambition and 
cruelty ; and becoming, in effect, an integral part 
his dominions. And shall we be for Bonaparte* 
in his rage to desolate and subjugate the world ; 
shall we be for him F Shall we follow his iron 
chariot, as he pushes on to conquest and blood ? 
Such is the most odious aspect of this war. — 
Such is its threatening character on this account, 
altogether more threatening than the war of^ offr 
revolution. For success here would be as certain 
destruction as the want of it. In short, this war 
must be brought to a speedy termination, or our 
ruin, as a nation, is inevitable. In this event, 
God speaks to us then, to pluck up, to pull down, 
and to destroy. I remark, 

4. That the unaccountable infatuation, ap- 
proaching even to phrenzy and madness, wluch 
has possessed, and continues to possess the minds 

of those who have the managementof our gov-* 
c 



?8 

ernmeiit, and of the majorities in our legislative 
councils, is such, as strongly concurs with the oth- 
er things that have been mentioned, to prove ta 
us that God has pronounced this alarming sen- 
tence against us. We learn very clearly from the 
scripture that this is oneof those judgments with 
which God executes his wrathful purpose of ex- 
terminating a guilty nation. '* Therefore, be- 
hold, I will proceed to do a marvellous work 
among this people, even a marvellous work and 
a wonder; for the wisdom of their wise men shall 
perish, and the understanding of their prudent 
men shall be hid." If God could so expressly 
declare, that, in judgment, and as a punishment 
of his rebellious Israel, he would subject to such 
infatuation the minds of their principal men, who 
had the management of their national concerns, 
is it not to be presumed, that he has done so, 
and will continue to do so, with respect to other 
nations ? And why should we be so conceited of 
the correctness of our own principles or proceed- 
ings, as to think that we must be certainly ex- 
efhpted ? Whether we are or not, must be learn- 
ed from a consideration of facts. Let us remem- 
ber, that it is certainly true, as Dr. Young has 
observed, that a man, with the talents of an an- 
gel, may be a fool ; /. ^. practically. How often 
is this verified in affecting examples ! Two of the 
greatest men of our country, of opposite political 
sentiments, and pursuits, were guilty of the enor- 
mous folly, of meeting each other in single com- 
bat, in which one of them fell, and the other has 
been a miserable, despise^ wanderer and vagabond 



. i9 

ever since. How often do we see men of great 
talents and extensive information, wasting their 
estates and destroying their lives in dissipation, 
debauchery and drunkenness ? The wisdom of 
this world is all of it foolishness with God : and 
it is solemnly asked, " Where is the wise, where is 
the scribe, where is the disputer of this world ? 
Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this 
world?'* If this is true in regard to the idolatries, 
and false philosophy of the world, why not in 
regard to the management of national concerns ? 

My friends, I do very much mistake my views 
and feelings, if I stand here as a political parti- 
san. And far be it from me to say any thing, 
which can fairly be construed into an attack upon 
the constituted authorities of our country, acting 
in character. But if it be ti'ue and most evidently 
trwe, that the wisdom of our wise men has perish- 
ed, and the understanding of our prudent men is 
bid, it is an awful judgment, and it is important 
that we should know it. And can any thing be 
more glaringly evident ? If a man were to raise 
a field of corn, and when it was just about to get 
into the ear, should let in his cattle to devour it ; 
or if, when he had reaped his grain, he should 
leave it to corrupt and perish. in the field, or if, 
when he had filled his barn with the products of 
his labour, he should set fire to it and consume 
it, with all its contents ; or if he should expend 
ninety pounds to save a shilling, would you not 
think that he was subject to a most unaccounta- 
ble infatuation ? vScarccly less glaringly indicative 
of phrenzy and infatuation, it appears to me, hav? 



20 

been the proceedings of our government lately, 
particularly in regard to tlie war in which it has 
plunged us. What greater infatuation could 
there be than to enter into a war of such hopeless 
prospect, with a power upon which we can make 
no impression, with such a large portion of the 
community against it, with an exhausted treasu- 
ry, with diminished resources, without prepara- 
tion, and sinking us to the will, and under the 
power, of the military despot of the earth ? But I 
forbear. The evidence is before you. Judge of 
it, I pray you, with a righteous judgment. Con- 
sider what criminal influences, glaringly contra- 
ry to every dictate of a sound understanding, and 
a sober policy, must have led to the declaration 
and waging of this ruinous and hopeless war. — 
I add, 

5. As a farther evidence of the denunciation, 
the credulity and the corresponding infatuation of 
a large proportion, possibly a majority, at least in 
the southern, and southwestern sections of our 
country, of the citizens, who ardently favour these 
ruinous frjeasurcs, and seem ready to go all 
lengths, with their misguided rulers. These 
people are not all equally criminal in this aflPair. 
Some arreoldly consenting, for the want of in- 
formation, and because the instructions they re- 
ceive are from polluted sources. But a very 
large proportion seem to have a determination in 
error and folly, which has the aspect of a most 
alarming judgment. They are carried away by 
sound instead of sense ; by hollow professions of 
a regard to the people, on the part of their leaders; 



ai 



by scarish and unfounded tales, exciting preju« 
dice and rancour against the friends of the Wash- 
ingtonian and peace pohcy. They are deaf to 
reason, and blind to evidence. They generally 
neither read nor hear, but on one side of the 
question. And they really act with a phrcnzy, 
similar to that, with which individuals commit 
suicide. How glaringly is this true, with respect 
to the advocates of this war in the southern 
states ! How do the measures they so blindly, 
and so determinately pursue, tend to dissolve 
the national compact, and throw us back into a 
state of nature, without any system of united 
operation, or the restraint of law ! And into what 
a ruin must this plunge them, especially when it 
is considered, what a prodigious multitude of 
slaves there is in that part of the Country,whoare 
ready to avail themselves of any circumstance of 
weakness, to rise and massacre the whites, whom 
they consider, and rightly, as their oppressors ? 
II. I proceed to notice the duty upon which a 
revocation of this denunciation is suspended. 
This is, turning from the evil we have committed-. 
** If that nation against whom I have pronounc- 
ed, turn from their evil." The evil which is 
the ground of this denunciation must be turned 
from. It must be searched out in all the ex- 
tent of it. It must b-e abhorred and forsaken. 
We must retrace our steps. We must 
come back by a sound repentance to our 
injured Creator. Our return must begin in the 
heart, and respect all our iniquities. It must be 
personal and general, h must be sincere and 



1% 

thorough. He who turns sincerely and thorough- 
ly, turns under solemn impressions of the infi- 
nite glory of God, his rightful claim to the 
homage and obedience of all his rational crea- 
tures, and, the obligations there are upon him to 
glorify God, constantly, and with all his powers. 
He turns, with his eyes upon the badness of his 
own heart, and the perverseness of his own con- 
duct. He turns with abhorrence of his own ways. 
He turns with a sincere, universal, and permanent 
reformation. Thus must we turn from our evil. 

Let us remember, my hearers, that we are 
guilty. The iniquities with which weare charge- 
able, and which provoke God to issue his scn^ 
tcnce of extermination against us, are not con- 
fined to any individuals, to any section of our 
Country, to any class of citizens, or to any po- 
litical creed. Let us remember that, if we turn 
with sincerity, and truly, from the iniquity we 
have committed, our reformation will carry us 
quite beyond the adoption of a wise political 
system, and the prosecution of wise political 
measures. It will carry us to the throne of grace, 
in humble prayer. It will make us religious. It 
will make us strictly religious. For, what are 
professions and prostrations worth, I beseech 
you, short of religion ? What is any zeal worth 
which is not founded in piety, and has not ulti^ 
mate respect to the glory of God ? 

We must bring ourselves, and our rulers, and 
our country, to God. We must become his by 
choice' and by covenant, and walk in newness of 
life. And, let it be added, that we are here in ve* 



23 - 

ly great danger. Even those who are correct ia 
their views of what concerns our national policy, 
are in danger of bringing additional guilt on 
themselves, and of contributing, and it may be 
as much as any others, to the destruction of their 
country, by refusing thus to turn, to turn in the 
sincerity of a sound reformation. We are in dan- 
ger of resting in the mere forms^ and outside of 
duty. We are in danger of fasting for strife and 
debate, and to smite with the fist of wickedness. 
We are in danger of having all our zeal limiited 
to subjects of policy, and of putting religion into 
the back ground, whereas it ought to be altvays^ 
with us, tbe thing. Let us consider, 

III. The force of the motive which the text 
sets before us, to persuade us to the performance 
of this duty. *' I will repent of the evil that I 
thought to do unto them." This motive consists, 

I, In the greatness of the good which will fol- 
low, I mean if the duty should be extensively and 
sincerely performed, that is, the salvation of our 
beloved ceuntry. This denunciation will be 
withdrawn ; the frowning aspects of Providence 
will be changed. A gladdening prospect will 
open to view. As individuals, we shall dismiss 
our anxieties, and terrors, and repose ourselves 
upon the all-powerful arm of our Heavenly Fa- 
ther. We shall be amiable, respectable, and use- 
ful. We shall have the blessings of Goi's fa- 
vour here, and the eternal, sinless enjoyment of 
him hereafter. We shall be united among our- 
selves, and the comforts of an affectionate inter- 
course will be restored. Our countrv will be 



24 

saved. As a nation, we shall be lifted up to re- 
spectability and honour. The righteous and wise 
and prudent will be in authority; and, under a 
wise and impartial administration of government, 
the people will lead quiet and peaceable lives, in 
all godliness and honesty. We shall be far from 
oppression and war. This most calamitous war, 
in which we are now involved, will come to a 
speedy close. Its immense expenditures will 
stop. Its dangers and distresses will be removed. 
Cabal and tumult, riot and murder will subside. 
There will be no more effusion of the blood of 
our citizens. Amity, and a friendly commercial 
intercourse, will be restored between uSy and the 
nation from which we descended. And, (what 
is the most important part of the national deliv- 
erance we shall experience) we shall be finally 
and completely delivered from the deadly embra- 
ces, the most cumbersome good-will of that in- 
fidel, sanguinary, cruel despotism, which has 
overturned so many republicks, and desolated so 
many countries. We shall be wise enough to 
keep aloof from the wars of Europe, and stand 
on the high ground of independent security. — 
Peace will be extended to us like a river, and 
prosperity as a flowing stream. 

2. The force of the motive consists in part in 
the certainty that such a most desirable conse- 
quence will follow. If such a consequence were 
only probable, it would be sufficient to induce 
us to the performance of the duty. But we do 
not here calculate upon the ground of probabili- 
ties. We proceed upon that of certainty. There 



^5 

arc no things more certain than those of religion* 
There is nothing so much entitled to Gonfidence 
as the exphcit declaration of God. His declara* 
tions to the subject before us are explicit, and 
often repeated. ** I wi// repent of the evil that I 
thought to do unto them. — They that seek me 
jJba// find me.— He who confesseth and forsaketh 
his sins j/ja/Zfind mercy. — God is not a man that 
he should lie, nor the son of man that he should 
repent. Hath he said* and shall not he do it ? 
Hath he spoken and shall he not make it good ?'* 
Hence the declaration of the Psalmist, ** Happy 
is that people, that is in such a case; yea, hap- 
py is that people, whose God is the Lord.*' And 
hence the exhortation of the prophet, **Comej 
and let us return unto the Lord, for he hath torn» 
and he will heal us ; he hath broken, and he will 
bind us up. After two days he will revive us. 
In the third day he will lift us up, and we 
shall live in his sight. Then shall ye know, if 
ye follow on to know the Lord : his going forth 
is prepared as the morning, and he shall come 
unto us as the rain, and as the latter and former 
rain unto the earth.** 

3. The force of the motive consists, in part, in 
the reasonableness, the practicability, and the 
moral excellency, of the term ot the blessing* 
Moral evil is greater than natural. It is to be in- 
finitely detested, and most carefully shunned. 
It is most reasonable in itself that we should re- 
nounce it. We ought to abhor it with ail our 
hearts, and renounce it, with strong and fixed re- 
solutions, in the strength of divine grace, that we 



36 

will no more practice it, that it shall no more de- 
file our hearts or our lives, though we were sure 
that no penal calamity would follow it, and 
that no blessing would result from the forsaking 
of it. 

Repentance or forsaking of evil is a practicable, 
as well as reasonable thing. No difficulty at- 
tends it. It is no hard sacrifice. It is pleasant 
rather than painful. 

It is also morally excellent. It separates 
from the sinful, and conforms to a holy God. 
Then, and then only, does the sinner appear 
amiable, when he breaks off his sins by righteoust- 
ness, and his iniquities by turning unto God ; 
when he is humbled and grieved ; in the dust, 
taking refuge in the divine mercy, and suppli- 
cating it in the all-prevailing name of Christ. 
Many would think it a grand acquisition, and a 
most gainful purchase, if we could bring this 
war to a successful issue, be freed from all our 
national embarrassments, and have our na- 
tional prosperity permanently established, though 
at the expense of millions of treasure, and 
thousands of lives. But, turning from our ini- 
quity, while it is a more certain way to such a 
successful result than the most efficacious policy, 
or the greatest prosperity in arms can possibly be, 
is infinitely easier. Instead of being an evil, it 
is itself a good. It is a rapid cure. It is im- 
mediately efficacious. It is a sovereign balm. 

4. The force of the motive consists also in part 
in the consolation, which will be derived to us 
personally, if in this way we successfully contri- 



bute to the safety and welfare of our Country. 
The Roman generals, who had been very suc- 
cessful in their battles, and extended the fame of 
the Republick, were often honoured with splen- 
did triumphs, which were to them, scenes of 
exultation, and rejoicing. They who have done 
any brilliant action, though destitute of all virtue, 
by \vhich they have achieved some great thing 
for their king or country, reflect on it, and speak 
of it often with pleasure. We are accustorned to 
honour Washington as the political saviour of his 
Country, and think he must have had great con- 
solation of mind when the object, for which the 
country took up arms, was achieved; when the 
labours, of the war, and its hazards were over, ai^d 
he retired into the calm of domesticl^: life. .Btit 
we may be all as really, as eifectually, and per- 
haps more honourably, saviours of our country, 
if we will turn from the evil we have committed, 
and devote ourselves unfeignedly to the service pf 
God J and our consolations will be as pure, and 
as permanent. Even if the penitent and the obe- 
dient are, comparatively, but a remnant, it is pos- 
sible that, for their sakes, God will spare the 
land ; at least delay its destruction. 

But, has the motive nothing more to gain up- 
on our feelings ? Does it imply nothing alarming 
in the case of the utter neglect of our duty, in 
the case of our continuing obstinate, irreclaima- 
ble, and bent on our iniquities ? In case our coun- 
try goes from bad to worse, and sinks deeper and 
deeper, by the protraction of this unjust war. 
and the practice of its concomitant crimes, in the 



i8 

evil which is the ground of the denunciation gdntf 
out against us ? If the condition of removal be 
not performed, the denunciation must remain, 
and, sooner or later, be carried into effect. We 
must be plucked up, pulled down, and destroyed. 
This republick, the only solitary one which ex- 
ists on the earth, the purchase of so much blood, 
and anxiety, and treasure, must be overwhelmed, 
under the judgments of God, and the blessings of 
liberty be exchanged for an intolerable servitude. 
O then, let us not delay to perform this duty. O 
that a genuine repentance might spread through 
our country ! Let us, at least, do our part, as in- 
dividuals. Let us search out our iniquity, and 
c^ase it, as we would a robber and an assassin, 
from all its hiding places. Let us go to the blood 
of atonement for cleansing. Let us rise to new- 
ness of life. Let us follow God, as dear children. 
Thus we may be instrumental in saving our coun- 
try from that destruction which threatens it ; if 
not, one thing is certain, we shall personally sur- 
vive its ruin, and live forever. 

ICT* Some notes tvere firepared ; but as the sermon has Jilkd 
the number of pages calculated upon, they are omitt^ed. 









?*••; 



/ 



^4 







^ 
















■^ 
















^^--^^ 



"-^■-0^ 



^o. 



■%' 



""■ 






o -9 






. '^ '^ 



^^ 






''i!? 
















" ^- . ■'■^i. %K<>* /^^'- \/ .-■"^"•^'■■^ 






>> 



'' ..^ 



■ ,0-^ 



O • A 







° ° '. 













C^ 







< 












'o o n 













'^9^ 









•ff , 1 - 






. .•.«^'. -.,^/ ,^^, .,^^^. 



4 O^ 








>■ 






>) A 



A 






''-• ' 



4 Ov. ° 




' c^.3;sli 



o . I » .A, 



^-^ 



>°-'. 



^ 







% '""'^^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

II I nil! nil!! If! 11'! nil I! ; 



011 837 102 1 




! 



